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This cutting edge quantity brings a variety of prime political theorists to the wide-ranging debate on multiculturalism and political legitimacy. by way of concentrating on the problem to mainstream liberal idea posed via the surge of curiosity within the rights of minority teams and subcultures inside states, the authors confront concerns equivalent to rights, liberalism, cultural pluralism and gear family members.
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Additional resources for Multiculturalism, Identity and Rights (Routledge Innovations in Political Theory, 12)
There are some types of conventional norms that Barry mentions that are largely uncontroversial – which side of the road to drive on being the hackneyed example. Another type of example that I do not wish to consider here is the provision of public goods, such as clean water. Altogether more revealing Liberalism and multiculturalism 37 are two other examples that Barry discusses: public order and decency. Barry writes of them that [e]xcluding as illegitimate any conceptions of public order or decency that are not universally applicable would mean that there could be virtually no permissible regulations framed in terms of those values.
Philosophical reflection on practical reason will not tell us what to do, any more than a universal grammar will enable us to speak. But it may nonetheless help us to frame the ordinary business of practical decision in ways that reflect our experience of thinking hard in difficult circumstances. Theorists who contrast a politics of recognition (Taylor, Walzer, Parekh) with a politics of impartial adjudication (Dworkin, Rawls, Barry) are thus missing the common ground that makes argument work. Discursive politics has to defend its own universal ground.
Barry, Justice as Impartiality, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. 4 B. Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism, p. 143. 5 Barry, Culture and Equality, p. 34. 6 Ibid. 7 Levy, The Multiculturalism of Fear, p. 131. 8 Barry, Culture and Equality, p. 43. , pp. 35–7. , p. 39. , p. 46.