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By Nancy L. Rosenblum

Provides the suggestions of 12 in demand students who're re-drawing the map of liberalism. In essays that transcend the standard defence of liberalism in accordance with ethical scepticism or the potential of researching impartial ideas, those writers reflect on percentages for reinventing liberal inspiration.

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I also believe-and here I break ranks with some of the other contributors to this volume-that these aims of liberalism are much more likely to be achieved in a society considerably more egalitarian than the oligarchical-democratic hybrid that the United States is today. A liberalism that is founded on the plurality of beliefs, modes of life, and attachments, and that aims to maximize persons' opportunities to live a good life as they wish is not only compatible with a significant Humanist Liberalism • 41 degree of socialization of the means of production and redistribution of wealth-indeed it requires it.

1 0 The meaning of the former is usually left unclear, but as a rule it is not a version of Platonic idealism. " Instrumental rationality" refers to political practices that pursue only efficiency or means-ends calculations, without any ques­ tioning of the rationality or other possible worth of their aims or outcomes . Since the liberalism of fear has very clear aims-the re­ duction of fear and cruelty-that sort of argument appears to be quite irrelevant. More telling is the notion that "instrumental reasoning" places all its confidence in procedures, without adequate attention to the ra- The Liberalism of Fear • 33 tionality of the conduct and discourse of those who p articipate in and follow them.

Liberalism has been constructed around distinctions between the public realm, which includes politics, and the private, which includes personal and domestic life. The world of wage-work and the mar­ ketplace is sometimes included in the public sphere (and contrasted with the domestic) , but sometimes it is placed in the private (and contrasted with the state or governmental) . The main purpose of these distinctions, since their seventeenth-century origins, has been to promote individual security and freedom and to restrain the arm of governments.

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