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They are, first of all, “Christian” materials, and recognition of that fact is a necessary step in using them appropriately in the quest to throw light on early Judaism. I call this the “default” position—sources transmitted by way of Christian communities are “Christian,” whatever else they may also prove to be. R. 4 But it is an insight that tends to get lost as scholarly confidence grows [[373]] in our ability to recognize what is “Jewish” (or otherwise nonChristian) in the sources. Yet that ability, as with all historical research, is not something static.

Lamberigts and P. van Deun; BETL 117; Leuven: Peeters, 1995) 303–22; van Henten and Friedrich Avemarie, Martyrdom and Noble Death: Selected Texts from Graeco-Roman, Jewish and Christian Antiquity (London and New York: Routledge, 2002); D. Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); tales and traditions of various sorts—Ross S. Kraemer, When Aseneth Met Joseph: A Late Antique Tale of the Biblical Patriarch and His Egyptian Wife, Revisited (Oxford: OUP, 1998); James Kugel, In Potiphar’s House: the Interpretive Life of Biblical Texts (San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1990) and Traditions of the Bible: a Guide to the Bible as it was at the Start of the Common Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998); see also n.

4780),” Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 5 (1970) 97–217, esp. pp. 133–60. C. Reeves, “The Elchasaite Sanhedrin of the Cologne Mani Codex in Light of Second Temple Jewish Sectarian Sources,” JJS 42 (1991) 68–91. 34 For references and discussion, see Bauer, Orthodoxy, 170 n. 42. 20 chapter one Lucian of Samosata satirically describes the temporarily converted Peregrinus as having authored many books for his Christian associates (Peregrinus 11). 37 His background seems to include close contacts with Elkesaites and Marcionites, at the very least.

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