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By Lockman, Zachary

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1, 148. 30. “Our Platform,” Ketavim, vol. 1, 282–83. 31. “Zionism and Territory,” Ketavim, vol. 1, 148. 32. In Ketavim, vol. 1, 290. 33. “Our Platform,” Ketavim, vol. 1, 284–85. 34. Ketavim, vol. 2, 429. 35. Ketavim, vol. 2, 403–5. 36. See Yehuda Slutzki, “MPSI beve‘idat hayesod shel hahistadrut,” Asufot 1, no. 14 (December 1970), 135. 37. On developments in this period, see Mandel, The Arabs and Zionism, chs. 3–7. 38. As the “Hebrew” in “Hebrew labor” indicates, the self-styled “workers” and “pioneers” who arrived in Palestine during the Second Aliya period generally referred to themselves and their organizations not as “Jewish” (yehudi) but as “Hebrew” (‘ivri).

This chapter obviously draws on Shafir's perceptive analysis, though I have sought to broaden and enrich his rather structural approach by attending to the discursive aspect of the processes and developments under discussion. 40. The second part of the essay, with which I am primarily concerned here, was entitled “Hashkafa proletarit vehagana le’umit” (Proletarian perspective and national defense). The essay as a whole, “Leshe’alot ‘avodateinu ba’aretz,” was published under Ben-Tzvi's pseudonym “Avner” and first appeared in the Po‘alei Tziyon organ Ha’ahdut 3, nos.

This is why I argue that interpretations which explain the Yishuv's (and later Israel's) distinctive course mainly in terms of the values and ideology which the “pioneers” of the Second Aliya brought with them to Palestine are inadequate. They simply fail to take proper account of the ways in which Zionism's interactions with the existing Arab society in Palestine played a crucial part in shaping the Yishuv as a society. Nonetheless, though it is essential to remain focused on the ways in which Arab and Jewish societies in Palestine were mutually formative, we must also remember that the Zionist project's specific pattern of development was ultimately made possible by world-historical events over which the Zionist movement had little influence.

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