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By Christopher H. Johnson, Bernhard Jussen, David Warren Sabean, Simon Teuscher

The note “blood” awakens historical principles, yet we all know little approximately its ancient illustration in Western cultures. Anthropologists have regularly studied how societies take into consideration the physically components that unite them, and the participants to this quantity strengthen these questions in new instructions. Taking a considerably ancient standpoint that enhances conventional cultural analyses, they reveal how blood and kinship have consistently been reconfigured in ecu tradition. This quantity demanding situations the concept that blood should be understood as a reliable entity, and exhibits how ideas of blood and kinship moved in either parallel and divergent instructions over the process ecu history.

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11 Furthermore, with his “birth” familia an adoptee retained nothing but cognate relations. The situation for wives was different altogether. Motherhood brought a woman only a cognate relationship to her children, unless she had celebrated a special kind of marriage, the so-called conventio in manum. This form of marriage—exceedingly rare in the late republican and imperial eras—brought a wife under the legal control of her husband, the so-called manus, who replaced her biological father as her paterfamilias.

20 The agnatic principle thus established unambiguous rules for the transmission of family property, name, and cult within the kinship group. Through unilateral filiation, every Roman was assigned to a single family unit and could claim no rights of any kind from another agnatic familia. This unambiguous classification of distinct family units was highly useful in a society as complicated and economically sophisticated as Rome. Yet the distinguishing factor of the Roman agnatic system was not its mechanisms for the transmission of property, cult, and name by patrilineage, all of which can be found in most classical and early modern societies, but the extensiveness of the paterfamilias’s powers, which exceeded by far those of his Greek counterparts.

14). 4. Cf. Aloys Winterling, Politics and Society in Imperial Rome (London, 2009), 9–34, on the interdependency between political career and social rank. 5. Cf. Ann-Cathrin Harders, Suavissima Soror. Untersuchungen zu den Bruder-SchwesterBeziehungen in der römischen Republik (Munich, 2008), 318–21. 6. 3. 7. 2. 8. 1. A woman could become not only a cognate but also an agnate of her husband if she married him under the special Agnatio, Cognatio, Consanguinitas 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

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