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By Gabriel Piterberg

Within the house of six years early within the 17th century, the Ottoman Empire underwent such turmoil and trauma--the assassination of the younger ruler Osman II, the re-enthronement and next abdication of his mad uncle Mustafa I, for a start--that a pupil stated the period's three-day-long dramatic climax "an Ottoman Tragedy." below Gabriel Piterberg's deft research, this era of concern turns into a ancient laboratory for the historical past of the Ottoman Empire within the 17th century--an chance to watch the dialectical play among heritage as an incidence and event and heritage as a recounting of that have. Piterberg reconstructs the Ottoman narration of this fraught interval from the foundational textual content, produced within the early 1620s, to the composition of the nation narrative on the finish of the 17th century. His paintings brings theories of historiography into discussion with the particular interpretation of Ottoman ancient texts, and forces a rethinking of either Ottoman historiography and the Ottoman kingdom within the 17th century. A provocative reinterpretation of an enormous occasion in Ottoman heritage, this paintings reconceives the relation among historiography and historical past.

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He chose to include Yahs¸i Fakih’s menakib in his chronicle not merely because he happened to have access to them . . but also because they made sense to him. 12 Here, in a nutshell, lies the contention between Lindner and Kafadar; this study follows the latter’s view of Ottoman historiography. For Lindner, the passages that are unique to Apz constitute the onion’s core, and the fact that we have access to this authentic core of the early Ottoman enterprise stems from Apz’s oversight. Drafting his history for the court of Bayezid II (r.

The accession, deposition, and assassination of osman ii (february 1618 – may 1622) The four-year reign of Genç (Young) Sultan Osman seems congruent with the rest of the period in which it is located, in that it too combines a particular personality with certain historical processes. Sultan Osman attracted the disapproval of the Ottoman historians, with the exception of Peçevi. ” And there is more. 15 Sultan Osman was a nonconformist to an extent that, judging by his fate and the way he was treated and seen by contemporaries and by later generations, his society and polity could not tolerate.

Instances of parsimoniousness and an arbitrary attitude as a major cause for the kul’s resentment abound. The importance of performing certain rituals that demonstrated imperial largesse as well as acknowledgment of the kul’s commitment and effort were central to keeping the relationship harmonious. 32 Tug˘i’s pro-kul predilection notwithstanding, this discursive and material context explains why the kul’s contention in his text, that the behavior of Sultan Osman had justified their lackluster performance, not only was not considered a priori preposterous but could actually make sense.

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